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: Regional variation of pronunciation in the south-west of England

: Regional variation of pronunciation in the south-west of England
:
: 23:13:06 09 2005
: 794 : 2 : 17 : 3.8 : 4    

:

REGIONAL VARIATION OF PRONUNCIATION IN THE SOUTH-WEST OF ENGLAND

2001

Plan:

Introduction.3

Part I. The Specific Features of dialects

1. What is the dialect?4

2. Geographic dialects5

3. Dialectal change and diffusion...5

4. Unifying influences on dialects..8

5. Focal, relic, and transitional areas..9

6. Received Pronunciation.9

7. Who first called it PR?.10

8. Social Variation11

9. Dialects of England: Traditional and Modern..12

Part II. Background to the Cornish Language

1. Who are the Cornish?...15

2. What is a Celtic Language?.15

3. How is Cornish Related to other Celtic Languages?...15

4. The Decline of Cornish15

5. The Rebirth of Cornish16

6. Standard Cornish..16

7. Who uses Cornish Today?...16

8. Government Recognition for Cornish..16

Part III. Peculiarities of South-Western Dialects
1. Vocalisation.18

2. Consonantism...23

3. Grammar..27

3.1 Nouns.27

3.2 Gender27

3.2.1 Gender making in Wessex-type English.27

3.3 Numerals29

3.4 Adjectives...29

.5 Pronouns.30

3.5.1 Demonstrative adjectives and pronouns

in a Devonshire dialect31

3.6 Verbs...39

3.7 Adverbs...42

3.8 Transitivity and intransivity in the dialects

of South-West England...44

4. Vocabulary..52

Conclusions...68
Bibliography..69

Supplements..71

Introduction.

The modern English language is an international language nowadays. It is also the first spoken language of such countries as Australia, New Zealand, Canada, South Africa.

But in the very United Kingdom there are some varieties of it, called dialects, and accents.

The purpose of the present research paper is to study the characteristic features of the present day dialect of the South-Western region in particular.

To achieve this purpose it is necessary to find answers to the following questions:

- What is the dialect?

- Why and where is it spoken?

- How does it differ from the standard language?

Methods of this research paper included the analysis of works of the famous linguists and phoneticians as Peter Trudgill and J.K. Chambers, Paddock and Harris, J.A. Leuvensteijn and J.B. Berns, M.M. Makovsky and D.A. Shakhbagova, and also the needed information from Britannica and the encyclopedia by David Crystal and the speech of the native population of Devonshire and Wiltshire.

Structurally the paper consists of three parts focused on the information about the dialect in general and the ways it differs from the standard language (its phonetic, grammar and other linguistic differences), and the specific features of the South-West of England.

The status of the English language in the XXth century has undergone certain changes. Modern English has become a domineering international language of nowadays.

PART I. The Specific Features of dialects.

1. What is the dialect?

Dialect is a variety of a language. This very word comes from the Ancient Greek dialectos discourse, language, dialect, which is derived from dialegesthai to discourse, talk. A dialect may be distinguished from other dialects of the same language by features of any part of the linguistic structure - the phonology, morphology, or syntax.

The label dialect, or dialectal, is attached to substandard speech, language usage that deviates from the accepted norm. On the other hand the standard language can be regarded as one of the dialects of a given language. In a special historical sense, the term dialect applies to a language considered as one of a group deriving from a common ancestor, e.g. English dialects. (9, p.389)

It is often considered difficult to decide whether two linguistic varieties are dialects of the same language or two separate but closely related languages; this is especially true of dialects of primitive societies.

Normally, dialects of the same language are considered to be mutually intelligible while different languages are not. Intelligibility between dialects is, however, almost never absolutely complete; on the other hand, speakers of closely related languages can still communicate to a certain extent when each uses his own mother tongue. Thus, the criterion of intelligibility is quite relative. In more developed societies, the distinction between dialects and related languages is easier to make because of the existence of standard languages and, in some cases, national consciousness.

There is the term vernacular among the synonyms for dialect; it refers to the common, everyday speech of the ordinary people of a region. The word accent has numerous meanings; in addition to denoting the pronunciation of a person or a group of people (a foreign accent, a British accent, a Southern accent). In contrast to accent, the term dialect is used to refer not only to the sounds of language but also to its grammar and vocabulary.

2. Geographic dialects.

The most widespread type of dialectal differentiation is geographic. As a rule, the speech of one locality differs from that of any other place. Differences between neighbouring local dialects are usually small, but, in travelling farther in the same direction, differences accumulate.

Every dialectal feature has its own boundary line, called an isogloss (or sometimes heterogloss). Isoglosses of various linguistic phenomena rarely coincide completely, and by crossing and interweaving they constitute intricate patterns on dialect maps. Frequently, however, several isoglosses are grouped approximately together into a bundle of isoglosses. This grouping is caused either by geographic obstacles that arrest the diffusion of a number of innovations along the same line or by historical circumstances, such as political borders of long standing, or by migrations that have brought into contact two populations whose dialects were developed in noncontiguous areas. (9, p.396)

Geographic dialects include local ones or regional ones. Regional dialects do have some internal variation, but the differences within a regional dialect are supposedly smaller than differences between two regional dialects of the same rank.

In a number of areas (linguistic landscapes) where the dialectal differentiation is essentially even, it is hardly justified to speak of regional dialects. This uniformity has led many linguists to deny the meaningfulness of such a notion altogether; very frequently, however, bundles of isoglosses - or even a single isogloss of major importance - permit the division, of a territory into regional dialects. The public is often aware of such divisions, usually associating them with names of geographic regions or provinces, or with some feature of pronunciation. Especially clear-cut cases of division are those in which geographic isolation has played the principal role. (9, p.397)

3. Dialectal change and diffusion.

The basic cause of dialectal differentiation is linguistic change. Every living language constantly changes in its various elements. Because languages are extremely complex systems of signs, it is almost inconceivable that linguistic evolution could affect the same elements and even transform them in the same way in all regions where one language is spoken and for all speakers in the same region. At first glance, differences caused by linguistic change seem to be slight, but they inevitably accumulate with time (e.g. compare Chaucers English with modern English). Related languages usually begin as dialects of the same language.

When a change (an innovation) appears among only one section of the speakers of a language, this automatically creates a dialectal difference. Sometimes an innovation in dialect A contrasts with the unchanged usage (archaism) in dialect B. Sometimes a separate innovation occurs in each of the two dialects. Of course, different innovations will appear in different dialects, so that, in comparison with its contemporaries, no one dialect as a whole can be considered archaic in any absolute sense. A dialect may be characterized as relatively archaic, because it shows fewer innovations than the others; or it may be archaic in one feature only. (9, p.415)

After the appearance of a dialectal feature, interaction between speakers who have adopted this feature and those who have not leads to the expansion of its area or even to its disappearance. In a single social milieu (generally the inhabitants of the same locality, generation and social class), the chance of the complete adoption or rejection of a new dialectal feature is very great; the intense contact and consciousness of membership within the social group fosters such uniformity. When several age groups or social strata live within the same locality and especially when people speaking the same language live in separate communities dialectal differences are easily maintained.

The element of mutual contact plays a large role in the maintenance of speech patterns; that is why differences between geographically distant dialects are normally greater than those between dialects of neighbouring settlements. This also explains why bundles of isoglosses so often form along major natural barriers - impassable mountain ranges, deserts, uninhabited marshes or forests, or wide rivers - or along political borders. Similarly, racial or religious differences contribute to linguistic differentiation because contact between members of one faith or race and those of another within the same area is very often much more superficial and less frequent than contact between members of the same racial or religious group. An especially powerful influence is the relatively infrequent occurrence of intemarriages, thus preventing dialectal mixture at the point where it is most effective; namely, in the mother tongue learned by the child at home. (9, p.417)

The fact that speech, in particular, can give such a clear answer to the question Where are you from? exercises a peculiar fascination, and the terms dialect and accent are a normal part of everyday vocabulary. We can notice regional differences in the way people talk, laugh at dialect jokes, enjoy dialect literature and folklore and appreciate the point of dialect parodies.

At the same time - and this is the paradox of dialect study - we can easily make critical judgements about ways of speaking which we perceive as alien. These attitudes are usually subconscious.

The study of regional linguistic variation is very important. The more we know about regional variation and change in the use of English, the more we will come to appreciate the individuality of each of the varieties which we call dialects, and the less we are likely to adopt demeaning stereotypes about people from other parts of the country.

As for the United Kingdom until 1700 the small population was sparsely distributed and largely rural and agricultural, much as it had been in medieval times. From the mid-18th century, scientific and technological innovations created the first modern industrial state, while, at the same time, agriculture was undergoing technical and tenurial changes and revolutionary improvements in transport made easier the movement of materials and people. As a result, by the first decade of the 19th century, a previously mainly rural population had been largely replaced by a nation made up of industrial workers and town dwellers.

The rural exodus was a long process. The breakdown of communal farming started before the 14th century; and subsequently enclosures advanced steadily, especially after 1740, until a century later open fields had virtually disappeared from the landscape. Many of the landless agricultural labourers so displaced were attracted to the better opportunities for employment and the higher wage levels existing in the growing industries; their movements, together with those of the surplus population produced by the contemporary rapid rise in the birth rate, resulted in a high volume of internal migration that took the form of a movement toward the towns.

Industry, as well as the urban centres that inevitably grew up around it, was increasingly located near the coalfields, while the railway network, which grew rapidly after 1830, enhanced the commercial importance of many towns. The migration of people especially young people, from the country to industrialized towns took place at an unprecedented rate in the early railway age, and such movements were relatively confined geographically.

Soon after World War I, new interregional migrations flow commenced when the formerly booming 19th -century industrial and mining districts lost much of their economic momentum. Declining or stagnating heavy industry in Clydeside, northeastern England, South Wales, and parts of Lancashire and Yorkshire swelled the ranks of the unemployed, and the consequent outward migration became the drift to the relatively more prosperous Midlands and southern England. This movement of people continued until it was arrested by the relatively full employment conditions that obtained soon after the outbreak of World War II.

In the 1950-s, opportunities for employment in the United Kingdom improved with government sponsored diversification of industry, and this did much to reduce the magnitude of the prewar drift to the south. The decline of certain northern industries - coal mining shipbuilding, and cotton textiles in particular - had nevertheless reached a critical level by the late 1960s, and the emergence of new growth points in the West Midlands and southwestern England made the drift to the south a continuing feature of British economic life. Subsequently, the area of most rapid growth shifted to East Anglia, the South West, and the East Midlands. This particular spatial emphasis resulted from the deliberately planned movement of people to the New Towns in order to relieve the congestion around London.

4. Unifying influences on dialects.

Communication lines such as roads (if they are at least several centuries old), river valleys, or seacoasts often have a unifying influence. Also important urban centres often form the hub of a circular region in which the same dialect is spoken. In such areas the prestige dialect of the city has obviously expanded. As a general rule, those dialects, or at least certain dialectal features, with greater social prestige tend to replace those that are valued lower on the social scale.

In times of less frequent contact between populations, dialectal differences increase, in periods, of greater contact, they diminish. Mass literacy, schools, increased mobility of populations, and mass communications all contribute to this tendency.

Mass migrations may also contribute to the formation of a more or less uniform dialect over broad geographic areas. Either the resulting dialect is that of the original homeland of a particular migrating population or it is a dialect mixture formed by the levelling of differences among migrants from more than one homeland. The degree of dialectal differentiation depends to a great extent on the length of time a certain population has remained in a certain place.

5. Focal, relic, and transitional areas.

Dialectologists often distinguish between focal areas - which provide sources of numerous important innovations and usually coincide with centres of lively economic or cultural activity - and relic areas - places toward which such innovations are spreading but have not usually arrived. (Relic areas also have their own innovations, which, however, usually extend over a smaller geographical area.)

Relic areas or relic phenomena are particularly common in out-of-the-way regional pockets or along the periphery of a particular languages geographical territory.

The borders of regional dialects often contain transitional areas that share some features with one neighbour and some with the other. Such mixtures result from unequal diffusion of innovations from both sides. Similar unequal diffusion in mixed dialects in any region also may be a consequence of population mixture created by migrations. (9, p.420)

6. Received Pronunciation.

The abbreviation RP (Received Pronunciation) denotes the speech of educated people living in London and the southeast of England and of other people elsewhere who speak in this way. If the qualifier educated be assumed, RP is then a regional (geographical) dialect, as contrasted with London Cockney, which is a class (social) dialect. RP is not intrinsically superior to other varieties of English; it is itself only one particular regional dialect that has, through the accidents of history, achieved more extensive use than others. Although acquiring its unique status without the aid of any established authority, it may have been fostered by the public schools (Winchester, Eton, Harrow and so on) and the ancient universities (Oxford and Cambridge). Other varieties of English are well preserved in spite of the levelling influences of film, television, and radio. (8, p.365)

The ancestral form of RP was well-established over 400 years ago as the accent of the court and the upper classes. The English courtier George Puttenham writing in 1589 thought that the English of nothern men, whether they be noblemen or gentlemen is not so courtly or so current as our Southern English is.

The present-day situation.

Today, with the breakdown of rigid divisions between social classes and the development of the mass media, RP is no longer the preserve of a social elite. It is most widely heard on the BBC; but there are also conservative and trend-setting forms.

Early BBC recordings show how much RP has altered over just a few decades, and they make the point that no accent is immune to change, not even the best. But the most important fact is that RP is no longer as widely used today as it was 50 years ago. Most educated people have developed an accent which is a mixture of RP and various regional characteristics - modified RP, some call it. In some cases, a former RP speaker has been influenced by regional norms; in other cases a former regional speaker has moved in the direction of RP.

7. Who first called it RP?

The British phonetician Daniel Jones was the first to codify the properties of RP. It was not a label he much liked, as he explains in An Outline of English Phonetics (1980):

I do not consider it possible at the present time to regard any special type as standard or as intrinsically better than other types. Nevertheless, the type described in this book is certainly a useful one. It is based on my own (Southern) speech, and is, as far as I can ascertain, that generally used by those who have been educated at preparatory boarding schools and the Public Schools The term Received Pronunciation is often used to designate this type of pronunciation. This term is adopted here for want of a better. (1960, 9th edn, p.12)

The historical linguist H.C. Wyld also made much use of the term received in A Short History of English (1914):

It is proposed to use the term Received Standard for that form which all would probably agree in considering the best that form which has the widest currency and is heard with practically no variation among speakers of the better class all over the country. (1927, 3rd edn, p.149)

The previous usage to which Jones refers can be traced back to the dialectologist A.J. Ellis, in On Early English Pronunciation (1869):

In the present day we may, however, recognize a received pronunciation all over the country It may be especially considered as the educated pronunciation of the metropolis of the court, the pulpit, and the bar. (p.23)

Even then, there were signs of the future, for he goes on to say:

But in as much as all these localities and professions are recruited from the provinces, there will be a varied thread of provincial utterance running through the whole. (8, p.365)

8. Social variation.

As for the accents, they refer to the varieties in pronunciation, which convey information about a persons geographical origin. These varieties are partly explained by social mobility and new patterns of settlement. Distinct groups or social formation within the whole may be set off from each other in a variety of ways: by gender, by age, by class, by ethnic identity. Particular groups will tend to have characteristic ways of using the language-characteristic ways of pronouncing it, - for example - and these will help to mark off the boundaries of one group from another. They belong to different social groups and perform different social roles. A person might be identified as a woman, a parent, a child, a doctor, or in many other ways. Many people speak with an accent, which shows the influence of their place of work. Any of these identities can have consequences for the kind of language they use. Age, sex, and socio-economic class have been repeatedly shown to be of importance when it comes to explaining the way sounds, constructions, and vocabulary vary.

I think the best example to show it is the famous play Pygmalion by Bernard Shaw touched upon social classes, speech and social status of people using different types of accents and dialects. One of the ideas was that it is possible to tell from a persons speech not only where he comes from but what class he belongs to. But no matter what class a person belongs to, he can easily change his pronunciation depending on what environment he finds himself in. The heroine Liza aired his views, saying: When a child is brought to a foreign country, it picks up the language in a few weeks, and forgets its own. Well, I am a child in your country. I have forgotten my own language, and can speak nothing but yours. (13, p.64).

So some conclusions about the kinds of social phenomena that influence change through contact with other dialects can be made:

a) dialects differ from region through the isolation of groups of speakers;

b) dialects change through contact with other dialects;

c) the upper classes reinforce Standard English and RP through education.

9. Dialects of England: Traditional and Modern.

After the retirement of the Romans from the island the invading immigrants were the Jutes, Saxons, Danes and Angles. The Jutes seized Kent, The Isle of Wight and a part of the mainland; the Saxons had all those parts that have now the suffix sex, as Essex, Sussex, Middlesex, and Wessex; and the Angles took possession of that tract of the north that has the present terminations land, shire and folk, as Suffolk, Yorkshire, Northumberland. These last afterwards gave the name to the whole island.

Dialects are not to be considered corruption of a language, but as varieties less favoured than the principal tongue of the country. Of the various dialects, it must be borne in mind that the northern countries retain many words now obsolete in current English: these words are of the genuine Teutonic stock. The pronunciation may seem rough and harsh, but is the same as that used by the forefathers; consequently it must not be considered barbarous. The other countries of England differ from the vernacular by a depraved pronunciation.

Awareness of regional variation in England is evident from the fourteenth century, seen in the observation of such writers as Higden/Trevisa or William Caxton and in the literary presentation of the characters in Chaucers Reeves Tale or the Wakefield Second Shepherds Play. Many of the writers on spelling and grammar in the 16th and 17th centuries made comments about regional variation, and some (such as Alexander Gil) were highly systematic in their observants, though the material is often obscured by a fog of personal prejudices.

The picture which emerges from the kind of dialect information obtained by the Survey of English Dialects relates historically to the dialect divisions recognized in Old and Middle English.

The classification of modern dialects presents serious difficulties as their boundaries are rather vague and the language standard more and more invades the spread area of the dialectal speech. One of the most serious attempts at such classification was made by A. Ellis. His classification more or less exactly reflects the dialectal map of modern Great Britain and it was taken as the basis by many dialectologists.

The map below displays thirteen traditional dialect areas (it excludes the western tip of Cornwall and most of Wales, which were not English speaking until the 18th century). A major division is drawn between the North and everywhere else, broadly following the boundary between the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms of Northumbria and Mercia, and a Secondary division is found between much of the Midlands and areas further south. A hierarchal representation of the dialect relationship is shown below. (8, p.324).

Regional variation of pronunciation in the south-west of England

Relatively few people in England now speak a dialect of the kind represented above. Although some forms will still be encountered in real life, they are more often found in literary representations of dialect speech and in dialect humour books. The disappearance of such pronunciations, and their associated lexicon and grammar, is sometimes described as English dialects dying out. The reality is that they are more than compensated for by the growth of a range of comparatively new dialect forms, chiefly associated with the urban areas of the country. If the distinguishing features of these dialects are used as the basis of classification, a very different-looking dialect map emerges with 16 major divisions.

Regional variation of pronunciation in the south-west of England

Part II. Background of the Cornish language.

The southwestern areas of England include Devonshire, Somersetshire, Cornwall, Wiltshire and Dosertshire. But first of all Id like to draw your attention to the Cornish language as it doesnt exist now.

The History of Cornish.

1. Who are the Cornish?

The Cornish are a Celtic people, in ancient times the Westernmost kingdom of the Dumnonii, the people who inhabited all of Cornwall, Devon and West Somerset.

The Cornish are probably the same people who have lived in Cornwall since the introduction of farming around 3000 B.C.. The start of farming in Cornwall may also indicate the start of what some scholars now term proto Indo-European, from whence the Celtic languages along with the Italic and other related groups of languages began evolving.

2. What is a Celtic Language?

Around 2000 B.C., the group of languages now called Celtic languages started to split away from the other members of the Indo-European group of languages. By 1200 B.C. Celtic civilisation, a heroic culture with its own laws and religion is first known. It is from this period that the first king lists and legends are believed to come.

3. How is Cornish Related to other Celtic Languages?

Between 1500 B.C. and the first encounters with the Romans (around 350 B.C.), the Celtic languages are believed to split into two distinct groups, the p and q Celtic branches. Cornish, Welsh and Breton (to which Cornish is most closely related) are the three remaining p Celtic languages. Irish, Scots Gaelic and Manx being the q Celtic tongues.

4. The Decline of Cornish.

Cornish developed pretty much naturally into a modern European language until the 17th century, after which it came under pressure by the encroachment of English. Factors involved in its decline included the introduction of the English prayer book, the rapid introduction of English as a language of commerce and most particularly the negative stigma associated with what was considered by Cornish people themselves as the language of the poor.

5. The Rebirth of Cornish.

Cornish died out as a native language in the late 19th century, with the last Cornish speaker believed to have lived in Penwith. By this time however, Cornish was being revived by Henry Jenner, planting the seeds for the current state of the language and it is supposed that the last native speaker was the fishwoman Dolly Pentreath.

6. Standard Cornish.

Standard Cornish was developed from Jenners work by a team under the leadership of Morton Nance, culminating in the first full set of grammars, dictionaries and periodicals. Standard Cornish (Unified) is again being developed through UCR (Unified Cornish Revised), and incorporates most features of Cornish, including allowing for Eastern and Western forms of pronunciation and colloquial and literary forms of Cornish.

7. Who uses Cornish Today?

Today Cornish typically appeals to all age groups and to those either who have an empathy with Cornwall, who have Cornish roots or perhaps have moved to Cornwall from elsewhere. One of the great successes of Cornish today is ifs wide appeal. After a break in native speakers for nearly one hundred years, Cornwall now has many children who now have Cornish as a native language along side English, and many more who are fluent in the language.

8. Government Recognition for Cornish .

Cornish is the only modern Celtic language that receives no significant support from government, despite the growing numbers learning Cornish, and the immense good will towards it from ordinary Cornish people and from elsewhere.

This contrasts strongly with the favourable stand taken by the Manx government towards Manx for example, as evidenced by Manx primary school places being made generally available.

Recently, the UK government scrapped the Cornish GCSE. Lack of Cornish language facilities and support is no longer just a language issue, but is rapidly becoming a civil rights and political issue too. Despite the growing support of councillors in Cornwall, some key individuals in County Hall continue to make clear their hostility to the language.

e.g. of the Cornish language:

Pyw yw an Gernowyon?

Pobel Geltek yw an bobel a Gernow . Yn osow hendasek, an wtas Gorfewenna yn Wtas Dumnonii, neb a dregas yn Kernow, Dewnans ha Gwtas an Haf.

Y hyltyr bos del An Gernowyon a wrug trega yn Kernow hedro an dallath gonys tyr adro 3000 K.C.. An dallath gonys tyr yn Kernow a vo dallath an os proto Yndo-Europek, dres an tavajow Keltek ha tavajow Ytaiek dallath dhe dhysplegya.

Part III. Peculiarities of South-Western Dialects.

1. Vocalisation.

Devonshire

Somersetshire

Wiltshire

a after w

is realized as [a:]:

wasp [wa:sp]

watch [wa:t∫]

want [wa:nt]

wander [wa:nd ]

is realized as [æ]:

warm [wærm]

warn [wærn]

wart [wært]

asp, ass, ast, a → [æ]: grass [græs], glass [glæs], fast [fæst]

al + a consonant

l is realized as [a:] or

[ :]:

talk [ta:k]

walk [wa:k]

chalk [t∫a:k]

balk [ba:k]

a + l, a + ll

in the open syllable

a → [æ]:

crane [kræn]

frame [fræm]

lame [læm]

make [mæk]

name [næm]

in the open syllable

a → [æ]:

crane [kræn]

frame [fræm]

lame [læm]

make [mæk]

name [næm]

The first sound is vowel

acre [jakr]

ale [jal]

acorn [jak∂rn]

hare [hja:r]

ache [jek]

acorn [jek∂rn]

behave [bıhjev]

e in the closed syllables → a

Nothern

Western

egg [ag], fetch [fat∫], step [stap],

wretch [rat∫], stretch [strat∫]

e in the closed syllables → [eı]

Eastern

Southern

egg [eıg], stretch [streıt∫]

e in the closed syllables → [e:]

South-Western

Western

Middle/Eastern

Leg [le:g], bed [be:d], hedge [he:dz]

if e follows w → [ :]

Western

well [w :l]

twelve [tw :lv]

wench [w :nt∫]

i in the closed syllable

North-Western

Western

→ [e]:

big [beg]

bid [bed]

flitch [fletch]

sit [set]

spit [spet]

→ [ ]:

bill [b l]

little [l tl]

children [t∫ ldr n]

cliff [kl f]

hill [h l]

drift [dr ft]

shrimp [∫r mp]

fit [f t]

ship [∫ p]

pig [p g]

fish [f ∫]

ight → [e]

North-Western

Western

flight, right

if a nasal consonant follows i

→ [e]:

sing [seŋ]

cling [kleŋ]

→ [e]:

sing [seŋ]

cling [kleŋ]

i before nd

North-Western

→ [e]:

bind [ben]

blind [blen]

find [ven]

grind [gren]

i before ld

Eastern

→ [i:]:

mild [mi:ld]

wild [wi:ld]

child [t∫ıld]

i in the open syllable

South-Western

Southern

→ [eı]:

fly [fleı]

lie [leı]

thigh [θeı]

→ [eı]:

bide [beıd]

wide [weıd]

time [teım]

Eastern

→ [ ı]:

fly [fl ı]

lie [l ı]

o in the closed syllable followed by a consonant

South-Western

Eastern

→ [a:]:

dog [da:g]

cross [kra:s]

→ [ ]:

cot [k t]

bottom [b tm]

dog [d g]

cross [kr s]

Western

→ [a:]:

dog [da:g]

cross [kra:s]

o + a nasal consonant

North-Western

Western

Western

→ [æ]:

among [∂mæŋ]

long [læŋ]

wrong [ræŋ]

→ [æ]:

among [∂mæŋ]

long [læŋ]

wrong [ræŋ]

among [∂mæŋ]

long [læŋ]

wrong [ræŋ]

ol + a consonant

Western

Western

→ [u∂]:

gold [gv∂ld]

old [u∂ld]

→ [u∂]:

gold [gv∂ld]

old [u∂ld]

o in the open syllable and oa

Western

→ [ ]:

bone [b n]

broad [br d]

rope [r p]

load [l d]

oi

→ [aı]:

choice [t∫aıs]

join [dzaın]

moil [maıl]

point [paınt]

spoil [spaıl]

voice [vaıs]

u in the closed syllable

Southern

→ [e]:

but [bet]

dust [dest]

ou / ow

Easter

→ [av]:

low [lav]

owe [au]

oo

North-Western

Western

Middle/Eastern

→ [ı]:

good [gıd]

hood [hıd]

foot [fıt]

blood [blıd]

stood [stıd]

bloom [blım]

broom [brım]

moon [mın]

loom [lım]

→ [ö]:

book [bök]

cook [kök]

crook [krök]

look [lök]

took [tök]

good [göd]

foot [föt]

stood [stöd]

→ [ ]:

book [b k]

brook [br k]

crook [kr k]

look [l k]

took [t k]

good [g d]

foot [f t]

soot [s t]

flood [fl d]

Eastern

→ [ ]:

book [b k]

brook [br k]

crook [kr k]

i in the open syllable

South-western

Southern

→ [eı]:

fly [fleı]

lie [leı]

thigh [θeı]

→ [eı]:

bide [beıd]

wide [weıd]

time [teım]

Eastern

→ [ ı]:

fly [fl ı]

lie [l ı]

o in the closed syllable followed by a consonant

South-western

Eastern

→ [a:]:

dog [da:g]

cross [kra:s]

→ [ ]:

cot [k t]

bottom [b tm]

dog [d g]

cross [kr s]

Western

→ [a:]:

dog [da:g]

cross [kra:s]

Devonshire

Somersetshire

Wiltshire

o + a nasal consonant

North-western

Western

Western

→ [æ]: among [∂mæŋ], long [læŋ], wrong [wræŋ]

ol + a consonant

Western

Western

→ [u∂l]: gold [gv∂ld], old [u∂ld]

oa

Western

→ [ ]:

bone [b n]

broad [br d]

rope [r p]

load [l d]

oi

→ [aı]:

choice [t∫aıs]

join [dzaın]

moil [maıl]

point [paınt]

spoil [spaıl]

voice [vaıs]

u in the closed syllable

Southern

→ [e]:

but [bet]

dust [dest]

ou/ow

Easter

→ [av]:

low [lav]

owe [au]

oo

North-Western

Western

Middle/Eastern

→ [ı]:

good [gıd]

hood [hıd]

foot [fıt]

blood [blıd]

stood [stıd]

bloom [blım]

broom [brım]

moon [mın]

loom [lım]

root [rıt]

spoon [spın]

→ [ö]:

book [bök]

cook [kök]

crook [krök]

look [lök]

took [tök]

good [göd]

foot [föt]

stood [stöd]

→ [ ]:

book [b k]

brook [br k]

crook [kr k]

look [l k]

took [t k]

good [g d]

foot [f t]

soot [s t]

flood [fl d]

Eastern

→ [ ]:

book [b k]

brook [br k]

crook [kr k]

look [l k]

er, ir, ur

Southern

→ [a:]:

learn [la:n]

earth [a:θ]

bird [ba:d]

birch [ba:t∫]

merchant [ma:t∫∂nt]

herb [ha:b]

work [wa:k]

or

→ [a:]: fork [fa:k], horse [ha:s], horn [ha:n], short [∫a:t],

Morning [ma:nıŋ], word [wa:d]

ew

Eastern

Northern

→ [ü:]:

dew [dü:]

few [fü:]

→ [jav]:

dew [djau]

few [fjau]

new [njau]

2. Consonantism

[w] in the beginning of the word or before h

old [w l]

oak [w k]

hot [w t]

home [w m]

orchard [wurt∫∂t]

hole [hwul]

hope [hwup]

open [wupen]

[w] is not pronounced:

week [ouk]

swick [su:k]

w before r

is not pronounced

Western

is not pronounced

→ [vr]:

wreck, wren, wrench, wrap, write, wrong

e.g. Ye vratch, yeve vrutten that avrang.

(= You wretch, youve written that all wrong.)

wh at the beginning of a word is [w], [u:], [u∂]

in the middle of a word [w] is pronounced

boy [bwo], moist [mw ıst], toad [twud], cool [kwul], country [kwıntrı]

f, th, s, sh are voiced

Friday [vræ:dı], friends [vrınz], fleas [vle:z], and in the these words: foe, father, fair, fear, find, fish, foal, full, follow, filth, fist, fire, fond, fault, feast, force, forge, fool.

[θ]: thought [ð :t], thick [ðık], thigh [ðaı], and in the words: from, freeze, fresh, free, friend, frost, frog, froth, flesh, fly flock, flood, fleece, fling, flower, fail.

t at the beginning of the word before a vowel

Nothern

→ [t∫]:

team [t∫em],

tune [t∫un],

Tuesday [t∫uzde]

East D t in the middle of the word is voiced:

bottle [b dl],

kettle [kedl],

little [lıdl],

nettle [nedl],

bottom [b dm],

matter [med∂],

cattle [k dl],

kittens [kıdnz]

t in the middle of the word is voiced

Western

bottle [b dl],

kettle [kedl],

little [lıdl],

nettle [nedl],

bottom [b dm],

matter [med∂],

cattle [k dl],

kittens [kıdnz]

The consonant [t] in (the French borrowings) hasnt become [t∫] as it is in RP:

picture [pıkt∂r], nature [net∂r], feature [fı∂t∂r]

the middle [t] sometimes disappears in the positions before ml, nl, mr

Western

brimstone [brımsn]

empty [empı]

The same happens to the middle [b]:

chamber > chimmer,

embers > emmers,

brambles > brimmels

between l and r; r and l; n and r a parasitic [d] has developed

parlour [pa:ld∂r], tailor [taıld∂r], smaller [sm :ld∂r], curls [ka:dlz], hurl [a:dl], marl [ma:dl], quarrel [kw :dl], world [wa:dl], corner [ka:nd∂r]

Western

a parasitic [d] appeared after [l, n, r]:

feel [fi:ld]

school [sku:ld]

idle [aıdld]

mile [maıdl]

born [ba∂nd]

soul [s :ld]

soon [zu:nd]

gown [gaund]

swoon [zaund]

wine [waınd]

miller [mıl∂d]

scholar [sk l∂d]

the middle [d] in the word needle comes after [l]: [ni:ld]

Eastern

In the word disturb [b] is pronounced as [v] -

[dis, t∂:v]

the first [θ] is pronounced as [ð]

thank [ðæŋk] and in other words: thatch, thaw, thigh, thin, thing, think, third, thistle, thong, thought, thousand, thumb, thunder, Thursday

Sometimes [θ] is pronounced as [t] at the end of the word:

lath [lat]

Western

In some words [s] at the beginning of the word is pronounced as [∫]:

suet [∫uıt].

The same happens when [s] is in the middle of the word:

first [fer∫t]

breast [brı∫t]

next [nı∫t]

North-West W: [s] is sometimes pronounced as [z]: sure [zu∂r]

sh, sk at the end of the word

Western

→ [s]:

cask [k s]

flask [fl s]

leash [li:s]

tusk [tus]

Sometimes instead of [k] [t∫] is heard:

back [b t∫]

wark [wa:t∫]

sometimes the initial letter or a syllable is apsent

Western

Eastern

believe, deliver, desire, directly, disturb, eleven, enough, except, occasion, inquest, epidemic

the initial cl

→ [tl]: clad [tlad], clap, clay, claw, clean, cleave, clergy, clerk, clew, cliff, climb, cling, clip, cloak, close, clot, cloth, cloud, clout

gl in the beginning of the word

→ [dl]: glad, glass, glisten, gloom, glove, glow

[l] in the middle of the word isnt pronounced

Western

Eastern

Already

shoulder [∫a:d∂r]

the Middle/Eastern

[l] is often → [ ]:

bill [bı ]

tool [tu ]

nibble [nıb ]

milk [mı k]

silk [sı k]

3. Grammar.

3.1 Nouns.

The definite article.

- There isnt the definite article before same: Tis sames I always told ee.

- The of-phrase the of is of ten used instead of the possessive pronoun (e.g. the head of him instead of his head)

The plural form of a noun.

- In many cases -s (es) can be added for several times:

e.g. steps [steps∂z] (South Som.)

- in some cases [n] is heard at the end of the word:

e.g. keys [ki:n] (Wil.)

cows [kain] (Dev.)

bottles [botln] (South-W. Dev.)

primroses [prımr zn] (Dev.)

- but sometimes [s] is heard in the words ended with -n

e.g. oxen [ ksnz] (Western Som.)

rushes [rıksnz] (Dev.)

- some nouns have the same form in the singular and in the plural:

e.g. chicken - chickens [t∫ık] (Som.)

pipe - pipes [paıp] (Som.)

- sometimes the plural form of the noun is used insted of the singular form:

a house [auzn] (Southern Wil.)

3.2 Gender.

The full characteristic of Gender in South-Western English Id like to base on the part of the article by Paddock. Paddock uses the historical lebel Wessex to describe the countries of South-Western England.

3.2.1 Gender making in Wessex-type English.

It is usually claimed that English nouns lost their grammatical gender during the historical period called Middle English, roughly 1100-1500. But this claim needs some qualification. What actually happened during the Middle English period was that more overt gender marking of English nouns gave way to more covert marking. As in Lyons (1968:281-8), the term gender is used here to refer to morphosyntactic classes of nouns. It is true that the loss of adjective concord in Middle English made gender marking less overt; but Modern English still retains some determiner concord which allows us to classify nouns (Christophersen and Sandved 1969). In addition, Modern English (ModE), like Old English (OE) and Middle English (ME), possesses pronominal distinctions which enable us to classify nouns.

We can distinguish at least three distinctly different types of gender marking along the continuum from most overt to most covert. The most overt involves the marking of gender in the morphology of the noun itself, as in Swahili (Lyons 1968:284-6). Near the middle of the overt-covert continuum we could place the marking of gender in adnominals such as adjectives and determiners. At or near the covert end of the scale we find the marking of gender in pronominal systems.

During all three main historical stages of the English language (OE, ME, ModE) one has been able to assign nouns to three syntactic classes called MASCULINE, FEMININE and NEUTER. However, throughout the recorded history of English this three-way gender marking has become less and less overt. In OE all three types of gender marking were present. But even in OE the intrinsic marking (by noun inflections) was often ambiguous in that it gave more information about noun declension (ie paradigm class) than about gender (ie concord class). The least ambiguous marking of gender in OE was provided by the adnominals traditionally called demonstratives and definite articles. In addition, gender discord sometimes occurred in OE, in that the intrinsic gender marking (if any) and the adnominal marking, on the one hand, did not always agree with the gender of the pronominal, on the other hand. Standard ME underwent the loss of a three-way gender distinction in the morphology of both the nominals and the adnominals. This meant that Standard ModE nouns were left with only the most covert type of three-way gender marking, that of the pronominals. Hence we can assign a Standard ModE noun to the gender class MASCULINE, FEMININE or NEUTER by depending only on whether it selects he, she or it respectively as its proform.

During the ME and Early ModE periods the south-western (here called Wessex-type) dialects of England diverged from Standard English in their developments of adnominal and pronominal subsystems. In particular, the demonstratives of Standard English lost all trace of gender marking, whereas in south-western dialects their OE three-way distinction of MASCULINE/FEMININE/NEUTER developed into a two-way MASS/COUNT distinction which has survived in some Wessex-type dialects of Late ModE. The result in Wessex was that the two-way distinction in adnominals such as demonstratives and indefinites came into partial conflict with the three-way distinction in pronominals. (18, p.31-32)

- Nowadays in the south-western dialects the pronouns he / she are used instead of a noun:

e.g. My ooman put her bonnet there last year, and the birds laid their eggs in him. (= it)

Wurs my shovel? I aa gotim; hims her. (= Where is my shovel? Ive got it. Thats it.)

- In the south-western dialects objects are divided into two categories:

1) countable nouns (a tool, a tree), and the pronouns he / she are used with them

2) uncountable nouns (water, dust), and the pronoun it is used with them.

The pronoun he is used towards women.

3.3 Numerals.

In south-western dialects the compound numerals (21-99) are pronounced as: five and fifty, six and thirty.

In Devonshire instead of the second twoth is used (the twenty-twoth of April).

3.4 Adjectives.

In all dialects of the south-west -er, -est are used in the comparative and superative degrees with one-, two- and more syllabic adjectives:

e.g. the naturaler

the seasonablest

delightfuller (-est)

worser - worsest (Dw.)

- The words: gin, an, as, nor, till, by, to, in, on are used instead of than in the comparative forms:

e.g. When the lad there wasnt scarce the height of that stool, and a less size on (= than) his brother;

Thats better gin naething;

More brass inney (= than you) haddn;

Its moor in bargain (= more than a bargain).

- The word many is used with uncountable nouns

e.g. many water / milk

- The word first is often used in the meaning of the next:

e.g. The first time I gang to the smiddie Ill give it to him.

Will you come Monday first or Monday eight days?

3.5 Pronouns.

- The forms of the nominative case are often used instead of the forms of the objective case and vice versa:

e.g. Oi dont think much o they (= of them).

Oi went out a-walkin wi she (= with her).

Oi giv ut t he (= it) back again.

Us (= we) dont want t play wi he (= him).

Har (= she) oont speak t th loikes o we (= us).

When us (= we) is busy, him (= he) comes and does a days work for we (= us).

- The pronoun mun (min) is used in those cases, when in the literary language them is used:

e.g. put mun in the house

gie mun to me

I mind (= remember) the first time I seed mun.

- Mun is also used instead of him, it

e.g. let min alone

it would sarve un right if I telled the parson of mun

- Instead of those, them is used:

e.g. I mind none of them things.

Give us them apples.

Fetch them plaates off o th pantry shelf.

- In the south-western dialects at the beginning of the sentenu the personal and impersonal pronouns are often dropped.

- Whom is never used in the south-western dialects. Instead of it as / at is used:

e.g. Thats the chap as (or what) his uncle was hanged.

The man at his coats torn.

- The nominative case of the personal pronouns is also used before selves:

e.g. we selves (Somerseshire, Devonshire)

- The standard demonstrative pronoun this is used in the south-western dialects as: this, this here, thease, thisn, thisna.

- The standard demonstrative pronoun that is used in the south-western dialects as: thatn, thickumy, thilk:

e.g. I suppose I could have told thee thilk.

- Those is never used in the south-western dialects.

thir ans is used instead of it.

3.5.1 Demonstrative adjectives and pronouns in a Devonshire dialect.

Id like to give not only the grammatical description of adjectives and pronouns in the south-western part of England, but the pronunciation of demonstrative adjectives and pronouns found in the dialect of south zeal, a village on the northern edge of Dartmoor. Martin Harris made his research work in this field:

The analysis is based on a corpus of some twenty hours of tape-recorded conversation, collected in the course of work for a Ph.D. thesis, either in the form of a dialogue between two informants or of a monologue on the part of a single informant. The principal informant, Mr George Cooper, has lived for some eighty-five years in the parish, and has only spent one night in his life outside the county of Devon.

For the purposes of this chapter, only one phonological point needs to be made. The /r/ phoneme is retroflex in final position, and induces a preceding weak central vowel [∂] when occurring in the environment /Vr/, (thus [V∂r]), when the /V/ in question is /i:/ or /ε/. (These are the only two vowels relevant within this work.). The transcription used for the actual forms should not give rise to any further problems. In the case of the illustrative examples, 1 have decided to use a quasi-orthographical representation, since the actual phonetic/phonemic realization is not directly relevant to the point under discussion. The prominent syllable(s) in each example are illustrated thus: .

We may now proceed to look at the actual forms found in the dialect (Table 1):

Singular adjective

Simple

/ði:z/

/ðs/

/ðat/

/ði-ki:/

First compound

/ði:z/ ji:r/

/ðis ji:r/

/ðat ðεr/

/ði-ki: ðεr/

Singular pronoun

Simple

/ðis/

/ði:z/

/ðat/

/ ði-ki:/

First compound

/ðis ji:r/

/ðat ðεr/

Second compound

/ðis ji:r ji:r/

/ðat ðεr ðεr/

Plural adjective

Simple

/ðejz/

/ði:z/

/ðej/

/ði-ki:/

First compound

/ðejz ji:r/

/ðej ðεr/

/ði-ki: ðεr/

Plural pronoun

Simple (only)

/ðej/

The relative frequency of these forms is shown in Table 2.

Adjectives

Singular

%

Plural

%

/ði:z/

13

/ðejz/

23

/ðis/

11

/ði:z/

2

/ði:z ji:r/

9

/ðejz ji:r/

7

/ðis ji:r/

2

/ði:z ji:r/

4

/ðat/

15

/ðej/

49

/ðat ðεr/

3

/ðej ðεr/

2

/ði-ki:/

43

/ði-ki:/

10

/ði-ki: ðεr/

4

/ði-ki: ðεr/

3

100

100

Pronouns

Singular

%

Plural

%

/ðis/

10

/ði:z/

4

/ðis ji:r/

2

/ðis ji:r ji:r/

25

/ðej/

100

/ðat/

22

/ðat ðεr/

2

/ðat ðεr ðεr/

34

/ði-ki:/

1

100

The paradigm as outlined in Tables 1, 2 presents few morphological problems. The two pairs of forms /ði:z/ and /ðis/ and /ðejz/ and /ði:z/ do, however, need examination. In the singular of the adjective, the two forms /ði:z/ and /ðis/ are both frequent, being used mostly in unstressed and stressed position respectively. However, some 30 per cent of the occurrences of each form do not follow this tendency, so it does not seem profitable to set up a stressed: unstressed opposition, particularly since such a division would serve no purpose in the case of /ðat/ and /ði-ki:/. With the first compounds, the form /ði:z ji:r/ outnumbers /ðis ji:r/ in the ratio 1 in the adjective position.

When functioning as a pronoun, /ði:z/ is rare as a simple form and never occurs at all either within a first compound (although first compounds are so rare as pronouns that no generalization can usefully be made, see Table 2) or within a second compound, where only /ðis ji:r ji:r/, never /ði:z ji:r ji:r/, is found. Thus /ðis/ seems to be more favoured as a pronoun, and /ði:z/ as an adjective; this, of course, is only a tendency.

In the plural, the position is more clear-cut. The normal adjective plurals are /ðejz/ and /ðejz ji:r/, which outnumber /ði:z/ and /ði:z ji:r/ by a large margin (see Table 2). Such cases of the latter as do occur may perhaps be ascribed to Standard English influence, since /ði:z/ is clearly used normally as a singular rather than a plural form. The absence of any reflex of /ðejz/ as a plural pronoun is discussed below.

The other forms present little morphological difficulty. There is only one occurrence of /ði-ki:/ as a pronoun, although as an adjective it almost outnumbers /ði:z/ and /ðat/ together, so it seems to belong primarily to the adjectival system. The normal singular pronouns are either the simple forms or the second compounds, the first compounds being most unusual.

In the plural of the adjective, the simple forms are much more frequent than their equivalent first compounds, whereas in the plural of the pronoun, there is apparently only the one form /ðej/. The status of this form is discussed below.

The following are examples of those demonstatives which are not further discussed below. The uses of /ðat/ as a singular adjective, of /ði-ki:/ as a singular or plural adjective, and of all the pronouns are fully exemplified in the syntactic section, and thus no examples are given here.

/ði:z/

I come down here to live in this little old street.

Well; this year, I done a bit lighter.

Now this season, tis over.

This was coming this way.

/ðis ji:r/

Theres all this here sort of jobs going on to day.

I was down there where this here plough was up here.

I ð ejzl

These places be alright if you know where youm going to.

They got to pay the wages to these people.

I do a bit of gardening . . . and likes of all these things.

/ ð ej/

What makes all they hills look so well?

Where Jim was sent to, they two met.

They wont have all they sort of people up there.

Tell Cooper to shift they stones there.

We may now turn to the functions of those forms whose uses are identifiably different from those of Standard English.

The most striking feature of the demonstrative system is that, in the singular adjective system at least, there is apparently a three-term opposition /ði:z : ðat : ði-ki:/, in contrast with the two-term system of Standard English. It seems fair to say that the role of /ði:z/ is similar to that of 'this' in Standard English (but see note on /ði:z ji:r/ below), but any attempt to differentiate /ðat/ and /ði-ki:/ proves extremely difficult. There are a number of sentences of the type:

If you was to put that stick in across thicky pony . . .

where the two forms seem to fill the same function. The virtual absence of /ði-ki:/ from the pronoun system, together with the fact that /ði-ki:/ is three times as frequent as /ðat/ as an adjective, would suggest that /ði-ki:/ is the normal adjectival form in the dialect, and that / ðat/ has a greater range, having a function which is basically pronominal but in addition adjectival at times. This is further supported by the fact that when presented with sentences of the type:

He turned that hare three times and he caught it.

the informant claimed that /ði-ki:/ would be equally acceptable and could indicate no distinction. Thus there are pairs of sentences such as

I used to walk that there two mile and half.

You'd walk thicky nine mile.

or again

That finished that job.

I wouldnt have thicky job.

There are certain cases where either one form or the other seems to be required. In particular, /ðat/ is used when actually indicating a size with the hands:

Go up and see the stones that length, that thickness.

while /ði-ki:/ is used in contrast with /t∂-ðr/, where Standard English would normally use one or the one.

Soon as they got it thicky hand, theyd thruck(?) it away with the tother.

In the adjective plural, the contrast between /ði-ki:/ and /ðej/ is not a real one, since /ði-ki:/ is found only with numerals.

I had thicky eighteen bob a week.

I expect thicky nine was all one mans sheep.

When presented with /ði-ki:/ before plural nominals, the informant rejected them. It would therefore be preferable to redefine singular and plural in the dialect to account for this, rather than to consider /ði-ki:/ as a plural form; this would accordingly neutralize in the plural any /ði-ki:/:/ðat/ opposition which may exist in the singular.

In the pronominal system, there is only one occurrence of /ði-ki:/:

My missis bought thicky before her died (a radio).

It is true that most of the occurrences of /ðal/ as a pronoun do not refer to a specific antecedent, e.g. I cant afford to do that, but there are a number of cases where /ðat/ does play a role closely parallel to /ði-ki:/ above.

As I was passing that, and that was passing me (a dog).

As there are no other examples of /ði-ki:/ as a singular pronoun, either simply or as part of a first or second compound, and no cases at all in the plural, it seems fair to say that any /ðat/:/ði-ki:/ opposition is realized only in the singular adjective, and that here too it is difficult to see what the basis of any opposition might be. A list of representative examples of /ðat/, /ðat ðεr/, /ði-ki:/ and /ði-ki: ðεr/ is given below, in their function as singular adjectives, so that they can easily be compared.

/ ð at/

All they got to do is steer that little wheel a bit.

Youd put in dynamite to blast that stone off.

Usd go in that pub and have a pint of beer.

/ ðat ðεr/

I used to walk that there two mile and half.

Good as gold, that there thing was.

/ ði-ki:/

All of us be in thicky boat, you see.

Thicky dog, he said, been there all day?

Stairs went up there, like, thicky side, thicky end of the wall.

Thicky place would be black with people . . .

I travelled thicky old road four year . . .

Whats thicky little place called, before you get up Yelverton?

Thicky field, theyd break it, they called it.

He was going to put me and Jan up thicky night.

Never been through thicky road since.

/ ð i-ki: ð εr/

Jim Connell carted home thicky there jar of cyder same as he carted it up.

We got in thicky there field . . .

The morphological status of /ði:z/ and /ðis/ as singulars, and of /ðejz/ and /ði:z/ as plurals has already been discussed. Syntactically, their use seems to correspond to Standard English closely, except in one important respect: the first compound forms are used in a way similar to a non-standard usage which is fairly widespread, in the sense of a or a certain.

/ ð i:z ji:r/

Hed got this here dog.

Youd put this here great crust on top.

The first compound is never used as an equivalent to Standard English this, being reserved for uses of the type above, although there is another form /ði:z . . . ji:r/, which is occasionally used where Standard English would show this, eg Between here and this village here like.

In the plural, an exactly parallel syntactic division occurs between /ðejz/ (cf Standard English these) and /ðejz ji:r/.

These here maidens that was here . . .

I used to put them in front of these here sheds.

They got these here hay-turners . . .

In all the above examples, the first compounds, both singular and plural, refer to items which have not been mentioned before, and which are not adjacent to the speaker; they are thus referentially distinct from the normal use of Standard English this.

Although we can fairly say that /ði:z/ and /ðejz/ are syntactically distinct from their equivalent first compounds, what of the other adjective compounds /ðat ðεr/, /ði-ki: ðεr/ and /ðej ðεr/? There seems to be no syntactic division in these cases between them and their equivalent simple forms, so it is perhaps not surprising that Table 2 shows them to be without exception much less common than /ði:z ji:r/ and /ðejz ji:r/, which have a distinct syntactic role. Forms such as

Us got in thicky there field

and

Good as gold, that there thing was.

do not seem any different from

Us mowed thicky little plat . . .

and

He turned that hare three times . . .

There is certainly no apparent correlation with any notional degree of emphasis.

In the case of the singular pronouns, the first compounds are extremely rare, cf.

He done well with that there. (/ðat ðεr/)

He went out broad, this here whats dead now. (/ði:z ji:r/).

The basic opposition here is between the simple forms and the second compounds /ðis ji:r ji:r/ and /ðat ðεr ðεr/. Here the syntactic division is fairly clear: the second compounds are used in certain adverbial phrases, particularly after like, where the demonstrative refers to no specific antecedent:

Tis getting like this here here.

Ive had to walk home after that there there.

and also, with reference to a specific antecedent, when particular emphasis is drawn to the item in question.

Ive had the wireless there, this here here, for good many years.

One of these here crocks, something like that there there.

In all other cases, the simple forms are used.

This was coming this way.

Then he did meet with this.

Thats one bad job, that was.

/ ðat/ is used particularly frequently in two phrases, likes of that and and that.

He doed a bit of farmering and likes of that.

I got a jumper and that home now.

The last question is one of the most interesting. Is there really only one form /ðej/ functioning as a plural pronoun? At first sight, this would seem improbable, given that there is a plural adjective form /ðejz/ and that the 'this':'that' opposition is maintained elsewhere in the system. However, all attempts to elicit such a form failed, and there is at least one spontaneous utterance where, if a form /ðejz/ did exist as a pronoun, it might be expected to appear:

Theres thousands of acres out there would grow it better than they in here grow it.

Taking all these factors together, we tentatively suggest that the opposition this:that is neutralized in this position, even though this seems rather unlikely, given the adjectival system.

But there is another point. It is in fact difficult to identify occurrences of /ðej/ as demonstratives with any certainty, because the form is identical with that of the personal pronoun /ðej/ (Standard English they or them).

We may observe at this point that in the dialect, the third plural personal pronoun forms are /ðej/ and /∂m/. The first form is used in all stressed positions and as unstressed subject except in inverted Q-forms; the second is used as the unstressed non-subject, and as the unstressed subject in inverted Q-forms. Thus we find:

/ ð ej/

I had to show the pony but they winned the cups.

I could chuck they about.

Thats up to they, they know what theym about of.

Theyd take em back of your door for half-a-crown.

/∂m/

They expect to have a name to the house, dont em?

Where do em get the tools to?

That was as far as ever they paid em.

I stayed there long with em for more than a year.

When considering /ðej/, we find a series of utterances such as the following in which a division between personal and demonstrative pronouns would be largely arbitrary.

I could throw em. chuck they about.

They in towns, they go to concerts,

Us finished up with they in ...

They do seven acres a day, now, with they.

There is they that take an interest in it.

I could cut in so straight (as) some of they that never do it.

Although, following the system of Standard English, we have so far differentiated between /ðej/ as a stressed personal pronoun and /ðej/ as a demonstrative pronoun, it is clearly more economical, in terms of the dialectal material, to consider the two functions as coalescing within one system: STRESSED /ðej/; UNSTRESSED /∂m/. This system would operate in all positions where Standard English would show either a third person plural personal pronoun, or a plural demonstrative pronoun. Similarly, there is a dialectal system STRESSED /ðat/ UNSTRESSED /it/ in the third person singular, where the referent is abstract or non-specific, in that /ðat/ never occurs unstressed nor /it/ stressed. Thus in contrast to the last example above, we find:

I seed some of em that never walked a mile in their lives,

where the form /∂m/ is unstressed. (Such unstressed examples are much rarer than stressed examples in positions where Standard English would show a demonstrative pronoun simply because those is normally stressed in Standard English.)

We should note finally, however, that this analysis of the material does not in any way explain the absence of a plural pronoun /ðejz/, any more than the linking of /ðat/ with /it/ precludes the existence of a singular demonstrative pronoun /ði:z/. The non-existence of /ðejz/ as a pronoun seems best considered as an accidental gap in the corpus. (18, p.20 )

3.6 Verbs.

- In the south-western dialects in the singular and in the plural in Present Indefinite the ending -s or -es is used, if the Subject is expressed as

a noun.

e.g. Boys as wants more mun ask.

The other ehaps works hard.

- In Devonshire -th [ð] is added to verbs in the plural in Present Indefinite.

- The form am (m) of the verb to be is used after the personal pronouns:

e.g. We (wem = we are) (Somersetshire)

you, they

- After the words if, when, until, after Future Indefinite sometimes used.

- The Perfect form in affirmative sentences, in which the Subject is expressed as a personal pronoun, is usually built without the auxiliary verb have:

e.g. We done it.

I seen him.

They been and taken it.

- The negation in the south-western dialects is expressed with the adding of the negative particle not in the form -na to the verb.

e.g. comesna (comes not)

winna (= will not)

sanna (= shall not)

canna (= cannot)

maunna (= must not)

sudna (= should not)

dinna (= do not)

binna (= be not)

haena (= have not)

daurna (= dare not)

- It is typical to the south-western dialects to use too many nigotiations in the same phrase:

e.g. I yint seen nobody nowheres.

I dont want to have nothing at all to say to you.

I didnt mean no harm.

Yell better jist nae detain me nae langer.

- The negative and interrogative forms of the modal verbs are built with the help of the auxiliary verb do.

e.g. He did not ought to do it.

You do not ought to hear it.

- Some verbs which are regular in the Standard language become irregular in the south-western dialects:

e.g. dive - dave, help - holp

- Sometimes the ending -ed is added to some irregular verbs in the Past Simple:

e.g. bear - borned, begin - begunned, break - broked, climb - clombed,

dig - dugged, dive - doved, drive - droved, fall - felled, find -

funded, fly - flewed, give - gaved, grip - grapped, hang - hunged,

help - holped, hold - helded, know - knewed, rise - rosed, see -

sawed, shake - shooked, shear - shored, sing - sunged, sink -

sunked, spin - spunned, spring - sprunged, steal - stoled, strive -

stroved, swear - swored, swim - swammed, take - tooked, tear -

tored, wear - wored, weave - woved, write - wroted.

- But some irregular verbs in the Past Simple Tense are used as regular:

e.g. begin - beginned (Western Som., Dev.)

bite - bited (W. Som.)

blow - blowed (Dev.)

drink - drinked (W. Som.)

drive - drived (Dev.)

fall - falled (W. Som., Dev.)

fight - fighted (W. Som.)

fall - falled (Som., Dev.)

go - gade (Dev.)

grow - growed (W. Som.)

hang - hanged (W. Som.)

lose - losed (W. Som., Dev.)

ring - ringed (W. Som.)

speak - speaked (Som.)

spring - springed (W. Som., Dev.)

- Many verbs form the Past Participle with the help of the ending -n.

e.g. call - callen

catch - catchen

come - comen

- In some cases in the Past Participle a vowel in the root is changed, and the suffix is not added.

e.g. catch - [k t∫]

hit - [a:t]

lead - [la:d]

- In the south-western dialects intransitive verbs have the ending -y [ı].

- In Western Somersetshire before the infinitive in the function of the adverbial modifier of purpose for is used:

e.g. Hast gotten a bit for mend it with? (= Have you got anything to mend it with?)

3.7 Adverbs.

- In the south-western dialects an adjective is used instead of the adverb.

e.g. You might easy fall.

- To build the comparative degree far is used instead of further; laster instead of more lately.

- The suparative degree: farest; lastest; likerest; rathest.

a) The adverbs of place:

abeigh [∂bıx] - at some distance

abune, aboon - above

ablow - under

ben, benn - inside

outbye [utbaı] - outside

aboot - around

hine, hine awa - far

ewest - near

b) The adverbs of the mode of action:

hoo, foo - how

weel - great

richt - right

ither - yet

sae - so

c) The adverbs of degree:

much

e.g. How are you today? - Not much, thank you.

much is also used in the meaning of wonderfully

e.g. It is much you boys cant let alone they there ducks.

It was much he hadnt a been a killed.

rising

rising is often used in the meaning of nearly

e.g. How old is the boy? - Hes rising five.

- fell, unco, gey, huge, fu, rael are used in the meaning of very.

- ower, owre [aur] - too

- maist - nearly

- clean - at all

- that - so

- feckly - in many cases

- freely - fully

- naarhan, nighhan - nearly

- han, fair - at all

d) Adverbs of time:

whan, fan - when

belive, belyve - now

yinst - at once

neist - then

fernyear - last year

afore (= before)

e.g. Us can wait avore you be ready, sir.

next - in some time

e.g. next day = the day after tomorrow

while = till, if

e.g. Youll never make any progress while you listen to me.

You have to wait while Saturday.

3.8 Transitivity and intransivity in the dialects of South-West England.

One of the most important aspects of studying south-western English is dialect syntax. So, the article by Jean-Marc Gachelin can give us much information about transitivity and intransitivity in the dialects of South-West England.

Wakelin has pointed out that syntax is an unwieldy subject which dialectologists have fought shy of. This brushing aside of dialect syntax is regrettable because the study of grammatical variation can shed light on the workings of any language, and thereby enrich general linguistics. The present chapter deals with an area of dialect syntax - transitivity in south-west of England dialects - and attempts to characterize and explain, synchronically and diachronically, its salient features.

We prefer the moderation of Kilby, who simply admits that the notion of direct object (DO) is not at all transparent in its usage. The problem, therefore, should be not so much to discard but rather to improve our notions of transitivity and intransitivity. In this regard, the dialects of South-west England are important and interesting.

1. A description of transitivity and intransitivity in the dialects of South-west England.

When compared with the corresponding standard language, any geographical variety may be characterized by three possibilities:

(a) identity; (b) archaism (due to slower evolution); and (c) innovation. Interestingly enough, it is not uncommon in syntax for (b) and (c) to combine if a given dialect draws extensively on a secondary aspect of an older usage. This is true of two features which are highly characteristic of the South-west and completely absent in contemporary Standard English.

1.1 Infinitive + y

One of these characteristics is mentioned by Wakelin, the optional addition of the -y ending to the infinitive of any real intransitive verb or any transitive verb not followed by a DO, namely object-deleting verbs (ODVs) and ergatives. The use of this ending is not highlighted in the Survey of English Dialects (SED, Orton and Wakelin). It is only indirectly, when reading about relative pronouns, that we come upon There iddn (= isnt) many (who) can sheary now, recorded in Devon (Orton and Wakelin). However, Widen gives the following examples heard in Dorset: farmy, flickery, hoopy (to call), hidy, milky, panky (to pant), rooty (talking of a pig), whiny. Three of these verbs are strictly intransitive (ftickery, panky, whiny), the others being ODVs. Wright also mentions this characteristic, chiefly in connection with Devon, Somerset and Dorset.

In the last century, Barnes made use of the -y ending in his Dorset poems, both when the infinitive appears after to:

reäky = rake

skimmy

drashy = thresh

reely

and after a modal (as in the example from the SED):

Mid (= may) happy housen smoky round/The church.

The cat veil zick an woulden mousy .

But infin.+y can also be found after do (auxiliary), which in South-west dialects is more than a more signal of verbality, serving as a tense-marker as well as a person-marker (do everywhere except for dost, 2nd pers. sing.). Instead of being emphatic, this do can express the progressive aspect or more often the durative-habitual (= imperfective) aspect, exactly like the imperfect of Romance languages. Here are a few examples culled from Barness poems:

Our merry sheäpes did jumpy.

When I do pitchy, tis my pride (meaning of the verb, cf pitch-fork).

How gaÿ the paths be where we do strolly.

Besides ODVs and intransitive verbs, there is also an ergative:

doors did slammy .

In the imperative, infin. -y only appears with a negative:

dont sobby!

The optional use of the -y ending is an advantage in dialect poetry for metre or rhyme:

Vor thine wull peck, an mine wull grubby (rhyming with snubby)

And this ending probably accounts for a phonetic peculiarity of South-west dialects, namely the apocope of to arguy (the former dialect pronunciation of to argue), to carry and to empty, reduced to to arg, to car and to empt.

In the grammatical part of his Glossary of the Dorset Dialect, Barnes insists on the aspectual connection between do and infin.+y:

Belonging to this use of the free infinitive y-ended verbs, is another kindred one, the showing of a repetition or habit of doing as How the dog do jumpy, i-e keep jumping. The child do like to whippy, amuse himself with whipping. Idle chap, hell do nothen but vishy, (spend his time in fishing), if you do leâve en alwone. He do markety, he usually attends market.

Barnes also quotes a work by Jennings in which this South-west feature was also described:

Another peculiarity is that of attaching to many of the common verbs in the infinitive mode as well as to some other parts of different conjugations, the letter -y. Thus it is very common to say I cant sewy, I cant nursy, he cant reapy, he cant sawy, as well as to sewy, to nursy, to reapy, to sawy, etc; but never, I think, without an auxiliary verb, or the sign of the infinitive to.

Barnes claimed, too, that the collocation of infin. +y and the DO was unthinkable: We may say, Can ye zewy ? but never Wull ye zewy up theäse zêam? Wull ye zew up theäse zêam would be good Dorset.

Elworthy also mentions the opposition heard in Somerset between I do dig the garden and Every day, I do diggy for three hours (quoted by Jespersen and by Rogers). Concerning the so-called free infinitive, Wiltshire-born Rogers comments that it is little heard now, but was common in the last century, which tallies with the lack of examples in the SED. (This point is also confirmed by Itialainen) Rogers is quite surprised to read of a science-fiction play (BBC, 15 March 1978) entitled Stargazy in Zummerland, describing a future world in which the population was divided between industrial and agricultural workers, the latter probably using some form of south-western speech, following a time-honoured stage tradition already perceptible in King Lear (disguised as a rustic, Edgar speaks broad Somerset).

To sum up, after to, do (auxiliary), or a modal, the formula of the free infinitive is

intr. V → infin. + -y/0

where intr. implies genuine intransitives, ODVs and even ergatives. As a dialect-marker, -y is now on the wane, being gradually replaced by 0 due to contact with Standard English.

1.2 Of + DO

The other typical feature of south-western dialects is not mentioned by Wakelin, although it stands out much more clearly in the SED data. This is the optional use of o/ov (occasionally on) between a transitive verb and its DO. Here are some of the many examples. Stripping the feathers off a dead chicken (Orton and Wakelin) is called:

pickin/pluckin ov it (Brk-loc. 3);

trippin o en (= it) (D-loc. 6);

pickin o en (Do-loc. 3);

pluckin(g) on en - (W-loc. 9; Sx-loc. 2).

Catching fish, especially trout, with ones hand (Orton and Wakelin) is called:

ticklin o/ov em (= them) (So-loc. 13; W-loc. 2, 8; D-loc. 2, 7, 8; Do-loc. 2-5; Ha-loc. 4);

gropin o/ov em (D-loc. 4, 6);

ticklin on em (W-loc. 3, 4; Ha-loc. 6; Sx-loc. 3);

tickle o em (Do-loc. l) (note the absence of -in(g)).

The confusion between of and on is frequent in dialects, but although on may occur where of is expected, the reverse is impossible. The occasional use of on instead of of is therefore unimportant. What really matters is the occurrence of of, o or ov between a transitive verb and the DO. The presence of the -in(g) ending should also attract our attention: it occurs in all the examples except tickle o em , which is exceptional since, when the SED informants used an infinitive in their answers, their syntax was usually identical with that of Standard English, ie without of occurring before the DO: glad to see you, (he wants to) hide it (Orton and Wakelin).

Following Jespersen, Lyons makes a distinction between real transitives (/ hit you: action → goal) and verbs which are only syntactically transitives (/ hear you: goal ← action). It is a pity that the way informants were asked questions for the SED (What do we do with them? - Our eyes/ears) does not enable us to treat the transitive verbs see Orton and Wakelin and hear (Orton and Wakelin) other than as ODVs.

The use of of as an operator between a transitive verb and its DO was strangely enough never described by Barnes, and is casually dismissed as an otiose of by the authors of the SED, even though nothing can really be otiose in any language system. Rogers points out that Much more widely found formerly, it is now confined to sentences where the pronouns en, it and em are the objects. This is obvious in the SED materials, as, incidentally, it is in these lines by Barnes:

To work all day a-meäken haÿ/Or pitchen ot.

Nevertheless, even if his usage is in conformity with present syntax, it is important to add that, when Barnes was alive, o/ov could precede any DO (a-meäken ov haÿ would equally have been possible). What should also be noted in his poetry is the extremely rare occurrence of o/ov after a transitive verb with no -en (= -ing) ending, which, as we just saw, is still very rare in modern speech:

Zoo I dont mind o leäven it to-morrow.

Zoo I dont mind o leäven ot to-morrow.

The second line shows a twofold occurrence of o after two transitive verbs, one with and one without -en.

This -en ending can be a marker of a verbal noun, a gerund or a present participle (as part of a progressive aspect form or on its own), and o may follow in each case.

VERBAL NOUN

My own a-decken ov my own (my own way of dressing my darling).

This is the same usage as in Standard English he doesnt like my driving of his car.

GERUND

That wer vor hetten on (that was for hitting him).

. . . little chance/O catchen on.

I be never the better vor zee-en o you.

The addition of o to a gerund is optional: Vor grinden any corn vor bread is similar to Standard English.

PROGRESSIVE ASPECT

As I wer readen ov a stwone (about a headstone).

Rogers gives two examples of the progressive aspect:

I be stackin on em up.

I were a-peeling of the potatoes (with a different spelling).

PRESENT PARTICIPLE ON ITS OWN

To vind me stannen in the cwold, / A-keepen up o Chrismas.

After any present participle, the use of o is also optional:

Where vok be out a-meäken haÿ.

The general formula is thus:

trans. V → V + o /0

which can also be read as

MV (main verb) → trans. V + o /0 + DO.

Here, o stands for o (the most common form), ov and even on. In modem usage, the DO, which could be a noun or noun phrase in Barness day and age, appears from the SED materials to be restricted to personal pronouns. For modern dialects, the formula thus reads:

MV → trans. V + o /0 + pers. pron.

The o is here a transitivity operator which, exactly like an accusative ending in a language with case declensions, disappears in the passive. Consequently, the phenomenon under discussion here has to be distinguished from that of prepositional verbs, which require the retention of the preposition in the passive:

We have thought of all the possible snags. →

All the possible snags have been thought of .

The use of o as a transitivity operator in active declaratives is also optional, which represents another basic difference from prepositional verbs.

Exactly the same opposition, interestingly enough, applies in south-western dialects also:

[1] He is (a-) eäten o ceäkes → What is he (a-) eäten?

[2] He is (a-) dreämen oceäkesWhat is he (a-) dreämen ov ?

What remains a preposition in [1] and [2] works as the link between a transitive verb and its DO. The compulsory deletion of the operator o in questions relating to the DO demonstrates the importance here of the word order (V + o + DO), as does also the similar triggering of deletion by passives.

Though now used in a more restricted way, ie before personal pronouns only, this syntactic feature is better preserved in the modern dialects than the

-y ending of intransitive verbs, but, in so far as it is only optional, it is easy to detect the growing influence of Standard English.

2. Diachrony as an explanation of these features.

Although the above description has not been purely synchronic, since it cites differences in usage between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, it is actually only by looking back at even earlier stages of the language that we can gain any clear insights into why the dialects have developed in this way.

Both Widen and Wakelin remind us that the originally strictly morphological -y ending has since developed into a syntactic feature. It is a survival of the Middle English infinitive ending -ie(n), traceable to the -ian suffix of the second class of Old English weak verbs (OE milcian → ME milkie(n) → south-west dial. milky). Subsequently, -y has been analogically extended to other types of verbs in south-west dialects under certain syntactic conditions: in the absence of any DO, through sheer impossibility (intransitive verb) or due to the speakers choice (ODV or ergative). The only survival of medieval usage is the impossibility of a verb form like milky being anything other than an infinitive. Note that this cannot be labelled an archaism, since the standard language has never demonstrated this particular syntactic specialization.

So far no explanation seems to have been advanced for the origin of otiose of, and yet it is fairly easy to resort to diachrony in order to explain this syntactic feature. Let us start, however, with contemporary Standard English:

[3] They sat, singing a shanty. (present participle on its own)

[4] They are singing a shanty. (progressive aspect)

[5] I like them/their singing a shanty. (gerund)

[6] I like their singing of a shanty. (verbal noun)

Here [5] and [6] are considered nominalizations from a synchronic point of view. As far as [4] is concerned, Barnes reminds his readers that the OE nominalization ic waes on hunlunge (I was in the process of hunting, cf Aelfrics Colloquim: fui in. venatione) is the source of modern / was hunting, via an older structure I was (a-) hunting which is preserved in many dialects, the optional verbal prefix a- being what remains of the preposition on .

The nominal nature of V-ing is still well established in the verbal noun (with the use of of in particular), and it is here that the starting-point of a chain reaction lies. Hybrid structures (verbal nouns/gerunds) appeared as early as Middle English, as in

bi puttyng forth of whom so it were (1386 Petition of Mercers)

and similar gerunds followed by of were still a possibility in Elizabethan English:

Rend not my heart for naming of my Christ (Marlowe, Doctor Faustus)

together with verbal nouns not followed by any of:

... as the putting him clean out of his humour (B. Jonson, Every Man out of his Humour).

Having been extended from the verbal noun to the gerund, of also eventually spread to the progressive aspect in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, at a time when the V-ing + of sequence became very widespread in Standard English:

Are you crossing of yourself? (Marlowe, Doctor Faustus).

He is hearing of a cause (Shakespeare, Measure for Measure).

She is taking of her last farewell (Bunyan, The Pilgims Progress).

However, what is definitely an archaism in Standard English has been preserved in south-western dialects, which have gone even further and also added an optional o to the present participle used on its own (ie other than in the progressive aspect). Moreover, there is even a tendency, as we have seen, to use o after a transitive verb without the -en (= -ing) ending. This tendency, which remains slight, represents the ultimate point of a chain reaction that can be portrayed as follows:

Use of o in the environment following:

(A) (B) (C) (D)

Regional variation of pronunciation in the south-west of Englandverbal noun → gerund → be + V-ing pres. part. → V

V-ing

(A) evolution from Middle English to the Renaissance;

(B) evolution typical of English in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries;

(C) evolution typical of south-western dialects;

(D) marginal tendency in south-western dialects.

The dialect usage is more than a mere syntactic archaism: not only have the south-western dialects preserved stages (A) and (B); they are also highly innovative in stages (C) and (D). (18, p.218)

4. Vocabulary.

Devonshire (Dev)

Somersetshire (Som)

Wiltshire (Wil)

Cornwall (Cor)

A

Abroad - adj , , ; , ; , ( ): The potatoes are abroad. The sugar is gone abroad.

Addle, Udall, Odal (Dev) - v , , , ; ( ) , [gu. oðla, . oðlask - (), oðal - ]

Ail (Wil, Dev) - n ()

Aller (Dev) - n , ; : Suke died acause her aller wanted letting.

Answer (Som) - v , ( , ); : That there poplar ont never answer out of doors, tll be a ratted in no time ; ~ to : -, -: Clay land easily answers to bones.

Any () - adj , adv , pron : any bit like - , , ( , , ): Ill come and see thee tomorrow if its only any-bit-like ; any more than - ; : Hes sure to come any more than he might be a bit late. I should be sure to go to school any more than Ive not got a gownd to my back.

Attle (Cor) - n ,

B

Bach, Batch, Bage (Som) - n , ; , ; ; ,

Bad (Wil) - n

Badge (Wil) - v ,

Balch (Dev, Cor) - n ,

Bam (Cor) - n , , : Its nowt but a bam.

(Wil, Som) - n , ,

Ban (Som) - v ;

Bannock (Wil, Som, Dev) - n /

Barge (Dev) - n ; v ,

Barney (Som) - n , ; ; ; ,

Barton (Wil, Dev, Som, Cor) - n ; ;

Barvel (Cor) - n , ;

Bate (Som, Dev) - n , ; v ,

Beagle, Bogle (Dev) - n ; ; ,

Beet, Boot (Cor) - v , , ;

Besgan, Biscan, Vescan (Cor) - n ;

Big (Som, Cor) - adj , : Smith and Brown are very big ; v ; v ( up ) , ( ); , ( )

Bogzom (Dev) - adj -; : Ya ha made ma chucks bugzom.

Bribe (Wil) - v , ; , : She terrible bribed I.

Brindled (Som) - ppl adj ,

Bruick-boil (Dev) - v ; ( )

Bunt (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ; v

(Wil) - n

Buss, boss (Wil, Dev, Cor) - n

But (Som) - n ( )

(Cor) - v (): Ive butted my thumb.

C

Cab (Som, Dev, Cor) - n , - , (adj cabby ); v

Cad (Som) - n (, .); pl ; ,

Call (Som) - v ,

Cam (Cor) - n ; adj ;

Casar (Dev, Cor) - n ; v

Caw (Dev) - v ; n

Cawk (Som) - v ,

Chack (Dev, Cor) - adj ppl chackt , chacking - ;

Cheap (Som) - adj . be cheap on - -

Chill (Dev, Som) - v (); chilled water -

Chilver (Wil, Som) - n

Chissom (Wil, Som, Dev) - n , (); v ,

Chuck (Som, Dev) - n , ,

Clib (Dev, Cor) - v ; ,

Clivan, Clevant, Callyvan, Vant (Som) - n : You be like a wren in a clivan.

Clock (Som) - n

Coath (Som, Dev) - n ; v

Cob (Cor) - n

Cold (Som, Dev, Wil, Cor) - to catch cold - ; to cast the cold of a thing - - ; cold cheer - ; cold hand - ; cold lady -

Colley (Wil) - n , ;

Colt (Wil) - n ; v ( )

Cooch (Coochy) (Dev, Cor) - n ; adj

Cook (Som) - v ; ,

Coose (Dev, Cor) - v ;

Cotton (Som, Dev) - v ,

Cowerd (Wil, Som) - adj ( )

Crib (Dev, Cor) - n ; v

Crowd (Som, Dev, Cor) - n

D

Dain (Wil) - adj

Dare (Wil, Som, Dev) - v , ; ;

Dawk (Wil, Som) - n ; v ; ( ); adj ; v

Denshire (Wil, Dev) - v

Dey (Wil) - n ,

Dool (Dev) - n ( ); ( ); , ; ; v ( ); ( off ) , ,

Downy (Som) - adj , ; ,

Drill (Dev) - v ; , ; ; -

Dupl (= do up ) (Wil) - v ; , ;

Dwall (Som, Dev) - v , ; n

Dwam (Dev) - n ;

E

Ear (Wil, Som) - v

Easse (Wil, Som) - n

Elt, Hilt (Som, Dev) - n

Eve (Wil, Dev, Cor) - v , ;

Evil (Dev, Cor) - n ; ; v

F

Fadge (Som, Dev, Cor) - v , : They dont fadge well together ; ; ; -, ; , ; n ; , ; -

Fady (Dev, Cor) - adj

Fage (Som) - v , ;

Fain (Dev) - v ( : Fain it! !; adj , ; adv ; n ( é)

Farewell (Wil, Som, Dev) - n : The butter leaves a clammy farewell in the mouth.

Favour (Dev) - v ,

Fawny (Dev) - n

Feat (Wil, Dev) - adj ( ); ; ;

Feer (Wil) - v ; n

Fenny, Vinny (Wil) - adj

Fitten (Wil, Som) - n , ; ,

Flag (Wil, Dev) - n

Flaw (Dev, Cor) - n

Flawn, Flome (Dev) - n , ; , ;

Fleck (Som) - n ; ;

Flue (Wil) - adj , , ; ; ( ); ,

Fly (Som) - adj

Fogger (Wil) - n ; , ,

Framp (Som, Dev) - adj ( : framp-shaken ; framp-shapen ) ,

Frape (Som, Dev, Cor) - v ;

Fur (Som, Dev, Cor) - v , ; ; , : Ive nobbut a shillin to fur tweek on with.

Furcom, Fircom (Wil, Som) - n , , - ; pl : Ill tell ee all the fircoms ont .

G

Gaff (Dev) - n ; ; ; ,

Gale (Som, Dev, Cor) - n -,

Glam (Dev) - n

Gout (Cor), Gutt - n ; -; adj Gouty - ,

Graft (Cor, Dev, Som, Wil) - n , ;

Great (Dev) - adj : The glass is great enough. His brother is great and strong ; , : My brother is very great with the lad ; great folks - ; adv : great foul , great likely, great mich, a great high wall ; : great-work ; work by the great

H

Hackle (Wil) - n ; ; ; v ( )

Hag(g) (Som, Wil, Dev) - v , ; ; n , ;

Halsen (Som, Dev, Cor) - v ;

Hange (Som, Dev, Cor) - n (, , ) -

Harl(e) (Som) - v , ; ;

Hathe (Som) - n , ; be in a hathe -

Hathern (Som) - n : I first catched a hold othe hathern so I jissy saved I.

Havage (Dev, Cor) - n ,

Hearst (Som, Dev) - n

Hile (Som) - n , ; v ( ) ;

Hint (Wil) - v , ;

(Som) - v ,

Ho, Hoe, How (Som) - v -; , -, -

Hocksy (Wil), . OXY - adj ,

Hog (Dev) - n ( ), ;

Hoggan (Cor) - n (. Fuggan, Hobban );

Holiday (Cor), Holliday - n , -,

Hope (Som) - n ; , , .: ;

Horry, Howery (Som, Dev) - adj , ;

Hound (Som) - n pl

Hovel, Hobble (Som) - v , ; ; n : He got a good hovel.

How (Dev) - n

Hug (Som) - n ; v , (- )

Huss (Som) - v -

I

Ignorant (Wil, Som) - adj : I thought it would look so ignorant to stop you.

Inkle (Dev, Cor) - n ( , )

J

Jack (Cor, Dev, Som, Wil) - v , (),

Jail (Cor) - v

Jimmy (Som) - adj , ; ;

K

Keech (Wil, Som) - v ( , ); ( ); n (, )

Keeve (Som, Dev, Cor) - n

Keffel (Som) - n ( ); ; ,

Kemps (Som) - n

Kern (Dev, Som, Cor) - v ( );

Kibbit (Dev, Cor) - n ,

Kindle (Som) - v ( , )

L

Lag (Cor) - v

Lammock (Cor) - n

Lart (Som, Dev) - n ( );

Lashing (Dev, Cor) - n pl (. Lashings and Lavins ) -; adj ,

Law (Som, Dev) - n ; ; ; v

Leap (Som) - n

Lear (Dev, Som) - adj

Let, Lat (Wil, Som, Cor) - v , , ; ; n , : without let or hindrance

Letch (Som, Dev) - n ;

Letting - adj ( )

Lewth (Wil, Som, Dev) - n ; ,

Lewze, Looze (Som, Dev) - n

Lich (Som, Dev) - n

Lidden (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ;

Lide (Wil, Cor) - n

Lig, Liggan (Cor) - n ;

Linch (Dev, Cor) - v

Lissom (Wil, Som, Dev) - n -;

Litten (Wil, Som) - n

Lock (Som, Dev, Cor) - n -,

Lodden (Cor) - n ,

Log (Dev, Cor) - v ,

Loker (Dev) - n

Lourve, Luffer, Loover (Som) - n ,

Low (Dev) - n ;

M

Mang (Wil, Som, Dev) - v

Maskel (Som, Dev) - n ;

Masker (Dev) - v : He got maskered ithe snow-storm othe hill ; ; , : He coughs sometimes like as if hed masker ; ;

Maxim (Som, Dev, Cor) - n , : Ive tried every sort o maxims wi un, but I cant make-n grow ; pl , ; v : I zeed min maximin about in the fiel .

Magzard (Som, Dev, Cor) - n

Meech (Som, Dev) - v (about ); , ; ; , ;

Meet (Dev) - adj , ,

Ment (Som) - v -: He ments his father ; n

Mickle (Wil) - adj , adv

Mickled (Dev) - ppl : mickled with cold - ; , (, )

Mock (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ( ), ; adv Mocking - , : I think, sir, that we had better put in them plants mocking ; v : The black squares on a chess-board mock each other.

Mog(g) (Som) - v ; ;

Mogue (Som) - v ;

Mole (Som) - n ;

Moot (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ; v , ; -

Mop (Wil) - n , ;

More (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n ; ; , , ; v ( ); ,

Mort (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ,

Mugget (Som, Dev, Cor) - n

Mungy (Cor) - adj ( ) ; ( )

Muryan (Cor) - n

N

Nammet (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n ( );

Naty (Dev, Cor) - adj ( ) , ,

Neck (Som, Dev, Cor) - n

Neive (Dev) - n ,

Nim (Som, Dev) - v ; ,

Nitch (Wil, Som, Dev) - n (, , ); ;

Noil (Som) - n , ; ,

Nool (Cor) - v ; Nooling - n

Northering (Som, Dev) - ppl , adj ( ); ,

Not (Som, Dev) - adj , ( ); Notted -

O

Oast, East (Dev) - n ;

Oaze, Hose (N-W Dev) - n pl

Oddy, Hoddy (Wil) - adj , ,

Old (Dev) - adj , , , : auld to do = a great fass , auld wark - ; old doing = great sport, great feasting, an uncommon display of hospitality ; a pratty old tap = a great speed ; , ; (): He looked very old about it. The child was little and old ; , : Hes too old for you . He looked very old at me = he looked very knowingly (distrustfully, angrily, askance ) at me .

Ollet, Elet (Wil) - n ,

Orch, Horch (Dev) - v

Ore (Dev, Cor) - n ; ,

Orrel (Cor) - n ,

P

Paise (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - v ( ); ;

Pame (Som, Dev) - n ; ,

Pancheon (Cor) - n ( )

Peach (Cor) - v ( away ); Peacher - n

Ped (Dev, Cor) - n ,

Pelf (Dev, Cor) - n , ; , ; (. )

Peller (Cor) - n ;

Pilch (Som, Cor) - n ()

Pind, Pindy (Som) - adj ,

Play (Som) - v , : Didth pot play when you come? ; ; ~ in - ; ~ up -

Plim (Som, Dev) - v , , ; adj

Plum (Wil, Dev, Cor) - v ; ( ); adj ( )

Polt (Wil) - v ; n

Pomple (Som) - adj , ( )

Pomster, Pompsy, Pounster (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ; v : Dont pomster thyself .

Pook (Wil, Som, Cor) - n , , ; v ; ()

Prill (Som, Dev, Cor) - v , ( ), ( , ): a-prilled , a-pirled

Punish (Dev) - v , ; ; : His leg did punish him so. I punished so in the new boots ; ,

Pur (Som) - n

Put (Som, Cor, Dev, Wil) - v ; - ; put in - ; , (); -; put out - , ; put to (till) - ; ; ; ; v

Q

Quank (Wil) - v ; ; adj ,

Quar (Som, Dev) - v ( ) ;

Quarrel (Dev, Som, Cor, Wil) - n

Queachy (Som) - adj ,

Quilkin (Dev, Cor) - n ,

R

Rag (Dev) - n ; ;

Rake (Cor) - n , , ; ; , ;

Rally (Som, Dev) - v , ; , ; ,

Rames (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n pl , ;

Rane (Som, Dev) - n (, ); ()

Ra p (Som, Dev, Cor, Wil) - v , -; n

Rare (Som, Dev, Cor) - adj ( , ); ,

Rawn (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - v ; ; ; rawned - adj

Ray (Som, Dev) - v ; ; ;

Read (Som) - n ; ; v ; ; ;

Ream (Dev, Cor) - n

Rear (Wil, Dev, Cor) - adj ( , ) , , : Ah likes my bacon a bit rare ; ( ) ; ( )

Rear-mouse (Wil, Som, Dev) - n

Reck (Som) - n

Reese (Cor) - v ( )

Ridder, Riddle (Wil, Som, Cor) - n ; v

Rind, Render, Rander, Rainder (Dev) - v

Roak(e) (Wil) - n ; ;

Rode (Cor) - n , ,

Rose, Rouse (Som, Dev, Cor) - v , ( ); ; n ;

Rouse (Wil, Dev) - v

Rum (Dev) - adj ; ; adv , ,

S

Sam (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n , adj ( ), ( )

Sammy (Wil) - adj ; ; ;

Sang, Songle (Dev, Cor) - n ;

Sawk (Dev, Cor) - n ,

Sax (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ; v

Scat, Scad (Dev, Cor) - n ; (; ): a scat of fine weather

Scorse (Som, Dev, Cor) - v , -

Scovy (Som, Dev, Cor) - adj ,

Scoy (Cor) - adj , ; ,

Scraw (Cor) - v ;

Scrint (Com, Dev) - v ; ;

Scug (Cor) - n

Seam (Som, Dev, Cor) - n , ( )

Sean (Dev, Cor) - n

Shape (Wil) - v , : We mun shape our way home ; - ,

Shippen (Som, Dev, Cor) - n

Shut (Wil, Som) - v -; , : He shut his addings in drink .

Sim, Zim (Wil) - n ( )

Skeel (Wil) - n ;

Skeeling, Sheal, Shealing (Wil) - n

Skit (Cor) - n ; ; ; ; ; v -; ; ;

Slade (Som, Cor) - n ; ;

Slock (Som, Dev, Cor) - v , ; n , ;

Sloke (Dev) - v

Smarry (Dev) - n

Smoot, Smeut, Smoat, Smot, Smout, Smut, Smute (Som, Dev) - n = Smeuse ; v ; , ( )

Sober (Dev) - adj , ; ; ,

Sowl (Dev) - v ; ;

Speer (Som) - v ; (. at ) ; , (. about, into, out );

Spell (Som) - n , ; v ;

Spend (Cor) - n ,

Spur (Cor) - n (a pure spur, a bra spur - ): She has been gon a bra spur.

Stean (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n

Steg (Wil) - n ; ; ;

Stem (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n ; ()

Stout (Wil, Som) - n

Strad (Som, Dev) - n pl , ,

Stub (Som, Dev) - n ; -: He lefn a good stub ; v ,

Sull (Wil, Som, Dev) - n

Summer, Simmer (Wil, Som, Dev) - n , , ;

Summering (Som, Dev) - n

Survey (Som, Dev, Cor) - n

Swale (Dev) - v

T

Tallet (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - n ;

Tave (Som) - v , , ; ; ; ; n ( )

Tease (Som) - v

Teel (Wil, Cor, Som, Dev) - v -; : tile a gate ; ; -

Teen (Cor, Dev) - n

Tell (Som, Cor) - v , : Did you tell the clock when it stuck? ; ( out, down ): They must tell down good five pounds ; ( - ): The judge told a man for hanging .

Temporary, Tempery, Tempory (Som) - adj , , : My clock - warks are gettin rather temporary . Yere a temporary creature .

Temse (Wil) - n ; v ,

Tetch (Som, Dev) - n ; ; Tetchy - adj ; ( )

Tewly (Wil) - adj , , , ; , ( )

Thirl (Som, Dev, Cor) - adj , ; ; ( ) ,

Throw (Som) - v , : Thick marell drow a good colt ; -; , ; ,

Tie (Som, Cor) - n ;

Tift (Dev) - v ,

Till, Toll (Dev, Cor) - v , ; (-)

Tine (Wil, Som, Dev) - v ;

Trant (Som) - v

Trig (Wil, Som, Dev, Cor) - v , , ,

Truff (Som, Dev, Cor) - n

Twire (Wil) - v

U

Unco (Wil) - n pl ,

Ure (Cor) - n ,

V

Vair (Som, Dev, Cor) - n ()

Vlare (Som) - n ,

Vreach (Som, Dev) - adj ,

W

Wairsh (Dev) - adj , ; ;

Wake (Wil) - n ; (pl )

Wall (Som) - v

Wang (Som) - n ; v , ( );

Want (Som, Cor, Wil, Dev) - n

Warth (Som) - n ( );

Wat (Cor) - n

Weel, Weil (Cor) - n

Wem, Wen (Cor) - n , ;

Went, Vent, Want, Wint (Som, Cor, Dev) - n , ; ; v ; ( , )

Win (Som, Dev) - v (, , .) ; n

Wink (Cor) - n

Wride (Cor, Som, Dev) - v ( ) ; ; ; n

Y

Yote (Wil, Som) - v , , ; ,

Conclusions.

1. In considering the history and development of the English language we may maintain that a regional variety of English is a complex of regional standard norms and dialects. We must admit, however, that rural dialects, in the conservative sense of the word, are almost certainly dying out (e.g. the Cornish language): increasing geographical mobility, centralization and urbanization are undoubtedly factors in this decline. Owing to specific ways of development, every regional variety is characterized by a set of features identical to a variety of English.

In the United Kingdom RP is a unique national standard.

About seventy or so years ago along with regional types dozen upon dozens of

rural dialects co-existed side by side in the country. The situation has greatly

changed since and specifically after the Second World War. Dialects survive for

the most part in rural districts and England is a highly urbanized country and has

very few areas that are remote or difficult to access. Much of the regional variation

in pronunciation currently to be found in the country is gradually being lost. On the

other hand, it is important to note that urban dialects are undergoing developments

of a new type, and the phonetic differences between urban varieties seem to be on

the increase.

The United Kingdom is particular about accents, in the sense that here attitudes and

prejudices many people hold towards non-standard pronunciations are still

very strong.

Therefore RP has always been and still is the prestigious national standard

pronunciation, the so-called implicitly accepted social standard. In spite of the fact

that RP speakers form a very small percentage of the British population, it has the

highest status of British English pronunciation and is genuinely regionless.

2. The comparative analysis of the phonetic system of the regional varieties of English pronunciation shows the differences in the pronunciation in the system of consonant and vowel phonemes.

3. The comparative analysis of the grammar presents the difference between the standard language and the dialects of the South-West of England.

In conclusion we may say that the problems of the regional dialects (its phonetic, grammar and lexical systems) open up wide vistas for further investigations.

B I B L I O G R A P H Y.

1. .. : . ., 1988

2. .. . . ., 1980

3. .. . ., 1982

4. Allen B.H., Linn M.D. Dialect and language variation, Orlando, 1986

5. Brook G.L. English Dialects, Oxford Un. Press, 1963

6. Brook G.L. Varieties of English, Lnd, 1977

7. Cheshire J. Variation in an English dialect. A sociolinguistic study, Cambridge Un. Press, 1982

8. Crystal D. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language, Cambridge, 1995

9. Encyclopedia Britannica CD 2000 Deluxe Edition

10. Gimson A.C. An Introduction to the Pronunciation of English, Lnd, 1981

11. Hughes and Trudgill, English accents and dialects: An introduction to social and regional varieties of British English, Lnd, 1979

12. Malmstrom J., Weaver C Transgrammar. English structure, style and dialects, Brighton, 1973

13. Shaw G.B. Pygmalion, NY, 1994

14. Sheerin S., Seath J., White G. Spotlight on Britain, Oxford, 1990

15. Shopen T., Williams J.M. Standards and dialects in English, Cambridge, 1980

16. Trudgill P. On dialect: Social and Geographical Perspectives, NY and Lnd, 1984

17. Trudgill P. Dialects in Contact, Oxford, 1986

18. Trudgill P., Chambers J.K. Dialects of English Studies in grammatical variation. Longman, 9

19. Wakelin M.F. Discovering English Dialects, Shire Publications LTD, 1978

Dictionaries:

20. Hornby A.S. Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary of Current English, Oxford Un. Press, 1996

Audio tapes analysed:

21. Accents, Glossa Melit, M., 2000

TV program analysed:

22. Holiday in the Southwest, the channel Discovery, 2000

3.

The Southwest.

The principal industries here are farming and tourism. There are some very big farms, but most are small family farms with a mixture of cows, sheep and crops. The main emphasis is on dairy products - milk and butter. On Exmoor and Dartmoor, two areas of higher land, conditions are ideal for rearing sheep and beef-cattle.

Industry is centered on three large ports: Bristol in the north, and Portsmouth and Southampton in the south-east. In Bristol, aircraft are designed and built. In Portsmouth and Southampton, the main industries are shipbuilding and oil-refining.

1. Holiday time in the West Country.

The countries of Devon, Cornwall and Somerset are often called the West Country. They have always been popular with holiday-makers, so there are a large number of hotels, caravan - and camping-sites and private houses and farms which offer bed and breakfast. There is a beautiful countryside, where people can get away from it all, and the coastline offers the best beaches and surfing in England. Also, the weather is usually warmer than in the rest of the country.

2. West Country Food.

The national drink of Devon is a cream tea. This consists of a pot of tea and scones served with strawberry jam and cream. The cream is not the same as that found in the rest of the country. It is called clotted cream, and it is much thicker and yellower than ordinary cream. And there is another national dish called a Cornish pasty.

Pasties used to be the main food of Cornish miners fishermen about 150 years ago, because they provided a convenient meal to take to work. They were made of pastry which had either sweet or savoury fillings, and were marked with the owners initials on one end. This was so that if he did not eat all his pasty at once he would know which one belonged to him!

Somerset has always been famous for its cheeses. The most popular variety is probably Cheddar, which is a firm cheese. It usually has a rather mild flavour but if it is left to ripen, it tastes stronger, and is sold in the shops as mature Cheddar. It takes its name from a small town, which is also, a beauty-spot well-known for its caves, which contain stalagmites and stalactites.

A West Country famous drink is Somerset cider or "Scrumpy" as it is called. Cider is made from apples and is sold all over the United Kingdom, but scrumpy is much stronger, and usually has small pieces of the fruit floating in it.

3. Sightseeings.

The country of Wiltshire is most famous for the great stone monuments of Stonehenge and Avebury, and the huge earth pyramid of Silbury. No written records exist of the origins of these features and they have always been surrounded by mystery.

Stonehenge is the best known and probably the most remarkable of prehistoric remains in the UK. It has stood on Salisbury Plain for about 4000 years. There have been many different theories about its original use and although modern methods of investigation have extended our knowledge, no one is certain why it was built.

One theory is that it was a place from where stars and planets could be observed. It was discovered that the positions of some of the stones related to the movements of the sun and moon, so that the stones could be used as a calendar to predict such things as eclipses. At one time, people thought that Stonehenge was a Druid temple. The Druids were a Celtic religious group who was suppressed in Great Britain soon after the Roman Conquest. Some people believe that they were a group of priests, while others regarded them as medicine-men who practised human sacrifice and cannibalism.

Because Stonehenge had existed 1000 years before the arrival of the Druids, this theory has been rejected, but it is possible that the Druids used it as a temple. The theory is kept alive today by members of a group called the Most Ancient Order of Druids who perform mystic rites at dawn on the summer solstice. Every year, they meet at Stonehenge to greet the first midsummer sunlight as it falls on the stones and they lay out symbolic elements of fire, water, bread, salt and a rose.

Another interesting theory is that the great stone circle was used to store terrestrial energy, which was then generated across the country, possibly through ley lines. Ley lines is the name given to invisible lines, which link up ancient sites through out Britain. They were thought to be tracks by which prehistoric man travelled about the country, but now many people believe that they are mysterious channels for a special kind of power.

4. The sea-ships and sailors.

The coastline of the Southwest of England stretches for 650 miles (over 1000 km), and has many different features: cliffs, sand, sheltered harbours, estuaries and marshes. It is not surprising that much of the activity in this region has been inspired by the sea.

Side by side on the south coast of Hampshire are the two ports of Portsmouth and Southampton. Portsmouth is the home of the Royal Navy, and its dockyard has a lot of interesting buildings and monuments. There is also the Royal Naval museum, where the main attraction is Horatio Nelsons flagship, the Victory.

Southampton, on the other hand, is a civilian port for continental ferries, big liners, and oil and general cargo.

Many great sailors had associations with the West Country, for example, Sir Walter Raleigh, the Elizabethan explorer, and Horatio Nelson, who lived in Bath in Somerset. The most famous sailor of recent times, was Sir Francis Chichester, who returned to Plymouth after sailing round the world alone in Gypsy Moth.

In Bristol, to the north, one of the largest Victorian steamships, the Great Britain, has been restored. It was the first iron ocean - going steamship in the world and was designed by a civil and mechanical engineer with the unusual name of Isambard Kingdom Brunel (1806-1859). He not only designed three ships (including the first transatlantic steamer, the Great Western), but also several docks and a new type of railway that enabled trains to travel at greater speeds. He also designed the first ever tunnel underneath the Thames and the Clifton Suspension Bridge.

Unfortunately, this coastline, in particular that of Cornwall, is famous - or infamous - in another way too. The foot of Cornwall has the worst of the winter gales, and in recorded history there have been more than fifteen shipwrecks for every mile of coastline. There is even a shipwreck centre and museum near St. Austell where there is an amazing collection of items that have been taken from wrecks over the years.

There are a lot of stories about Cornish wreckers who, it is said, tied lanterns to the tails of cows on cliff-tops or put them on lonely beaches when the weather was bad, so that ships would sail towards the lights and break up on the dangerous rocks near the coast. The wreckers would then be able to steal anything valuable that was washed up on to the shore.

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